Category: Progressive Center

2010 Elections

tomkapostasy1 Comment

The 2010 election campaign is about to begin in earnest.  The events of the last three months have certainly swung the Republicans’ way.  Even the “health reform” victory is likely to have a mostly negative impact on short-run Democratic prospects.  Opposing parties always make progress in midterm elections.  The real question is “how much?”  Eight months from the elections, I give a strong edge to the Republicans, but believe that the “Tea Party” movement may backfire on the right.

Politicians are experts at getting elected and re-elected.  They know that winners occupy enough of the middle to attract swing voters and enough of their edge to motivate the party faithful.  In the 1968 election, George Wallace highlighted the role that socially conservative and economically moderate voters could play.  Richard Nixon and Spiro Agnew capitalized on the interests of the silent and moral majority, realigning politics for two generations.  Ronald Reagan clarified the pitch and a more coherent philosophy, solidifying the right-wing strategy.  Subsequent moderate Republicans like the Bushes proclaimed the new message, adopted the tax cut strategy, courted the religious right and increased expectations of their new supporters. 

During this time the Republican Party has successfully shifted the definition of left and right on the critical economic scale, forcing Clinton and Obama to adopt economically conservative means, programs and terminology, while continuing to pursue their leftward goals.  The Republicans have also undercut the Democrats’ classic appeal to the economic interests of the working and middle classes by touting growth, entrepreneurship and economic freedom as higher ideals.  They have increased the weight of social issues and courted a populist libertarian strain in America through fringe candidates such as Ron Paul and Sara Palin.  The Republicans have mastered the tactical dimensions of politics, beating the Dem’s at fundraising, participation, communications and media influence.  Although taunted as “the party of ‘no’”, the Republicans have effectively avoided major responsibility for the weak economy, ongoing terrorist threats, the banking meltdown, immigration gridlock, increasing healthcare costs, wider income distribution and the coming retirement cliff.  Now that Obama has a year under his belt, they are effectively painting him with responsibility for these and other situations.

The Democrats have responded to this shift in the playing field by sending three southerners to the White House (Johnson, Carter and Clinton) positioned as moderates.  The Democrats have maintained their hold on a growing minority and shrinking union base.  They have improved their posturing skills and election tactics, especially in social media.  They have adopted some centrist programs and begun to fight for key terms such as “accountability” and “economic progress”.  The Democrats have taken care of their base through laws and funding.  President Obama has provided a message of bipartisanship, hope and change which deflects attention from controversial specific programs.  He and his colleagues have not hesitated to blame George Bush and the Republicans for a variety of “messes” and dodged their responsibility. 

It is no surprise that a weak economy (it’s the economy stupid) would catch up with Obama, especially given his pursuit of so many distracting goals.  However, the impact of “Tea Party” is something of a surprise.  Sara Palin was clearly chosen as a VP candidate by John McCain to appeal to part of the party faithful.  Her candidacy, the stirrings of Ron Paul, the unfulfilled promises to social conservatives by the Bushes and the demonization of national Democratic leaders and programs for two decades have crystallized into a true populist backlash against the evils of “big government” and its mostly Democratic supporters.

Will the “Tea Party” help or harm the Republicans?  In the short-run, it has clearly scared moderate Democrats, especially those in conservative districts.  On the other hand, it has also scared moderate Republicans, including John McCain.  In some cases, the more conservative primary winners will be defeated due to their extreme positions.

I think that there is an even greater risk that the Republican Party has unintentionally moved so far right in its rhetoric, positions, legislation and new affiliation with the “Tea Party” that it will lose touch with classic moderates and swing voters.  In 1968, Hubert Humphrey wanted nothing more than growth of New Deal and Great Society programs.  He was not seeking a social revolution or a counterculture.  However, the activists painted a picture of revolution that frightened most of the country to embrace the solid posture of twice-defeated Richard Nixon as the safest choice in an emotional time.

If the “Tea Party” continues to gain publicity and become affiliated with the Republican Party, the same kind of social distancing may take place in 2010 or 2012.  By belief or by framing, the ”Tea Party” appears to hold extremist views on the economy (radical self-sufficiency), the role of government (none, including popular entitlement programs), banking (gold standard), religion (one fundamentalist, end of times, withdrawal from society) and security (gun rights and military adventurism).  The “true believer” statements are passionate, direct and uncompromising.  They may provide the Democrats with an “extremist” straw man to replace the current “banker” straw man.

We certainly live in interesting times.

Indiana School Finances

tomkapostasy1 Comment

Indiana state school funding will decline for the next 3 years.  The current 5% expense reduction is just the first step.   School districts need to take bold actions to reduce their underlying cost structures.  Other organizations are reducing costs by 10% and increasing labor productivity by 5-8%.  Innovative schools can achieve the same financial gains while improving the quality of education.  These 20 ideas may be infeasible, but they might help to generate some creative solutions.

  1. Rank order career & technical programs and eliminate the single least effective one.
  2. Replace some career and guidance counselors with web resources and volunteers from local civic group partners.
  3. Assign administrators to jointly teach 1 FTE of classes in a technical field.
  4. Employ technology for teaching and testing and eliminate 1 staff/department.
  5. Carefully define “special needs” education and obtain separate funding or sponsorship.
  6. Double the fees for extracurricular programs to cover all costs, including coaching supplements and subsidies for low-income students.
  7. Maximize the use of capital budgets and bond funding for capital maintenance expenses.  Refinance bonds and use savings for capital maintenance.
  8. Reduce employee benefits by one-half for the first 5 years of employment.
  9. Add an additional teaching period for tenured staff.
  10. Assign a mentee to tenured staff and provide incentives for retention/progress.
  11. Provide teachers with a financial incentive in years 3-6 to remain in place.
  12. Eliminate future degree/credit hours based compensation increases.
  13. Outsource transportation, IT, HR, marketing and financial services.
  14. Extend textbook lives by 2 years.
  15. Move to a used computer strategy, recycling the 3-year-old units from local businesses.
  16. Consolidate library/AV staff and resources with community libraries.
  17. Reduce the cost of transportation by increasing the share of walkers, reducing the number of stops and limiting extra services.
  18. Move discipline problem students to countywide alternative programs after 3 strikes.
  19. Collect fees for AP and dual credit programs.
  20. Increase the use of teacher’s assistants when they can cost-effectively increase classroom sizes while providing quality education.

All changes have costs and benefits.  In a world of 10% less funding, schools that are able to identify the areas where the greatest cost reductions can be found with the least negative impact will be the ones that best serve their students, teachers and communities.  Schools should reach out to their communities for help in generating solutions to the coming crisis.

A Rising Tide Lifts All Boats

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“A rising tide lifts all boats”.  When economic progress is steady, or at least not interrupted for too long, this saying seems to hold true.   When everyone benefits from progress, people invest their effort into getting ahead.  Today we face the greatest economic disruption in 75 years.  Without a clear path forward, people of all political views are turning their thoughts enviously towards the boats others.  International trade, labor, spending, health care and tax policies are all being reviewed through the lens of protecting current advantages or redistributing funds.

The classic focus of redistribution is on the “rich” and the “poor”.  Bankers and corporate executives have lost the “entrepreneurial” and “value added” shields of the last 30 years.  Citizens are now concerned about the distribution of income and are willing to consider tax and regulatory changes that would have been unthinkable a decade ago.

The share of income captured by the top 1% of earners receives the most attention.  From 1917-1941, through boom, bust and preparation for war, the top 1% earned 15% of all income.  This changed dramatically during WWII and afterwards, leading to a 35 year period from 1953-1987, where income at the top was cut in half, with 8% of the total going to the top 1%.  Top 1% income grew rapidly in the late 1980’s, reaching 13% and then 15% by 1999 and 17% by 2007. 

The spread of income within the center of the population has also broadened in the last 40 years.  In real 2007 dollars, average household income has increased 30% since 1967, from $40,000 to $52,000 per year.  Families at the 20th percentile have also seen a 30% increase, rising from $17,000 to $22,000 per year.  The dollar and percentage growth at the higher percentiles has been much greater.  Households at the 80th percentile have gained 55%, with incomes rising from $67,000 to $104,000.  Those at the 90th percentile have gained 66%, boosting incomes from $85,000 to $141,000.

There is no “natural” or “optimal” distribution of income.  The US has historically had a greater concentration of wealth or income than other economically advanced nations.  As shown by the top 1%, the concentration can change dramatically through time.  However, most economists agree that there is a level of marginal taxation on income, wealth, dividends and capital gains that significantly reduces incentives for hours worked, innovation, risk taking and entrepreneurship.  

Small changes to the taxation and incentive structure of the US economy are not likely to cause too much damage.  Significant tax increases could do significant short-term and long-term damage to the economy and to those at the lower end of the economic pyramid who depend upon the rising tide to lift their boats in the long run.

Indiana Redistricting Proposal Adds Value

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“For the want of a nail, the shoe was lost; for the want of a shoe the horse was lost; and for the want of a horse the rider was lost, being overtaken and slain by the enemy, all for the want of care about a horseshoe nail.”  —  Benjamin Franklin

 Now, more than ever, society must rely on real economic growth to make the pie larger and allow us to choose how to divide the pie.  In the hot policy areas – global warming, health care, unemployment, alternate energy, retirement security, national security, adequate food – all solutions depend upon our ability to grow the economy.

 The private sector, especially in the last 30 years, has demonstrated its nearly unlimited ability to create value.  The contrast between productivity growth in the competitive sectors (ag, manufacturing, distribution, communications, mining, transportation, media, banking, IT, services) and the others (government, social services, utilities, education, health care) is instructive.  About 60% of the economy delivers 3-5% annual productivity improvements, while the other 40% is stuck at 0-1%.

 The slow growth sectors are all in areas where market failure is the rule – sometimes because services are natural public goods and sometimes due to natural monopolies, externalities, or unequal information.  In each case, there is a key role to be played by the government in shaping these industries to pursue continuous improvement as happens naturally in other sectors.

 Unfortunately, our political system does not produce “philosopher kings” who cooperate to find optimal solutions.  In a two-party democratic system, the best that can be hoped for is that the two parties will define contrasting, yet centrist policies and employ politicians who can seek re-election by solving some problems rather than merely demonizing the other side.

 The gerrymandering of Indiana congressional, senate and representative districts every 10 years encourages a polarized political environment.  The party in power draws districts to maximize their representation by creating as many 55-60% safe districts as possible, while consolidating their opponents into as few 80-90% majority districts as possible.

 This process results in extreme left and extreme right candidates winning nearly all races.  Centrist candidates have no chance in stacked districts.  Centrist voters have no influence in stacked districts.  The political parties attract extremist candidates.  They attract extremist supporters.  Only in a small minority of districts do voters have a choice between two qualified centrist candidates who mainly differ by a modest degree on the political spectrum. 

 The Indiana Senate’s Republican Caucus, Secretary of State Todd Rokita and Carmel representative Mike Delph have floated various proposals to turn redistricting over to some form of non-partisan commission, required to take advantage of the computer software which can define boundaries to maximize the compactness of each district, without considering socio-economic, religious, racial or political factors. 

 A visual example of the current skewed districts versus neutral districts is shown at http://bolson.org/dist/IN/.

 Members of both political parties should be able to see that the skillful use of gerrymandering today is a recipe for failure.  Even California voters are now seeing that structures that lead to polarization can bankrupt a state.  Indiana voters who care about the future should pursue this “good government” initiative.