
https://kids.nationalgeographic.com/history/article/donald-trump

Many sources claim that President Trump threatens democracy.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2025/01/28/trump-first-week-liberalism-democracy/
https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/trump-assault-american-democracy
https://odi.org/en/insights/can-american-democracy-withstand-trump/
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/article/2024/jun/20/trump-threat-democracy-precedents
https://zeteo.com/p/this-week-in-democracy-week-2-chaos-trump
‘https://thehill.com/homenews/senate/5111241-murphy-trump-executive-actions-democracy/
‘https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/30/briefing/trump-democracy-2024-election.html
https://carnegieendowment.org/emissary/2024/11/trump-authoritarian-strongman-govern-signs?lang=en
https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c5yveml59jlo
Some of the commentary is merely “sour grapes” after losing the election. For some articles, you can “consider the source” and disregard them. However, it is very clear, IMHO that President Trump, this time, is going to fulfill his election promises, including implementing the whole Project 2025 agenda, retribution on his “enemies”, and a complete disregard for legal and political “checks and balances”. He views the election as a mandate and believes he has the right to implement all of his policies as if he won victory in a “winner takes all” parliamentary system. President Trump does not support our historical system of government that greatly limits the impact of any one actor, even one who earned just 49.8% of the votes and just 31.6% of eligible voters. Non-voters won the race with a 36.6% share. Vice president Harris came in third with 30.7%.
https://www.cookpolitical.com/vote-tracker/2024/electoral-college
Military generals, career civil service, FBI, DOJ, inspector generals, independent agencies. These agencies have a distinguished track record of fighting for their independent roles. The first month indicates that Trump understands they are a formidable opponent to be undermined.
Lawyers belong to a proud and left-leaning profession. Federal judges belong to a two-century legacy of judicial independence. Most “conservative” judges use the originalist theory to limit the application of laws that restrict the free market or traditional cultural actions. Many of President Trump’s initiatives fall outside of these two areas. Federal judges may use their powers to retain the commonsense version of existing laws and reinforce the principle of maintaining precedents.
https://www.axios.com/2019/06/01/supreme-court-justices-ideology
https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2024/06/02/supreme-court-justice-math-00152188
Brett Cavanaugh is less conservative than he is perceived to be. Supreme Court justices treasure their independence. Chief Justice John Roberts is relatively neutral and strongly supports the independence of the court and his legacy.
‘https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/house/3220665/house-republicans-kept-seats-biden-districts/
There are two dozen congressional seats held by Republicans in districts where they have a real chance of facing a competitive Democratic opponent. These individuals face strong pressures from Trump, national, state and local Republicans to fully support the president on all matters. They can have their funding cut off, lose congressional assignments and lose party staff support, but they don’t have to worry much about being “primaried” from the right.
Louisiana senator Bill Cassidy, Alaska senator Lisa Murkowski and Maine senator Susan Collins voted to impeach Trump. The other 4 Republican senators who did so are no longer in the Senate (Romney, Sasse, Burr and Toomey). Pennsylvania senator Dave McCormack and Wisconsin senator Ron Johnson join Collins as representing states with mixed party senators. In addition to Murkowski, 5 senators have a history of bipartisan activities: John Cornyn (TX), Jerry Moran (KS), Todd Young (IN), (the ageless) Chuck Grassley (IA), and Shelley Capito (WV). That makes 10 Republican senators who are more likely to consider the good of the country than their own or their party’s if “push comes to shove” on preserving our democracy. Mitch McConnell would never undermine the power of the Republican Party that he built over 4 decades, but he will not tolerate foolishness from President Trump. The U.S. Senate also has a long tradition of independence from the other branches of government. Each senator sees themselves as a base of power, representing their state, their party and the nation. Senators face political pressure to conform to their party and their party’s President, but they face elections only every 6 years and have a long history of personal support in their states.
.https://mccourt.georgetown.edu/news/bipartisan-index-2023-118th-congress/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Red_states_and_blue_states
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_current_United_States_senators
Sometimes a speech, a question, an op-ed, a campaign slogan, a court brief, a story, an analogy can change the frame of reference for public opinion. When Joe McCarthy was asked “Have you no sense of decency?” he was finished.
https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/joseph-mccarthy-meets-his-match
Canada, Mexico and the EU are not going to accept Trump’s unilateral threats. They will respond strategically, irrationally, emotionally, patriotically, politically, even at a net economic cost to their people in order to protect their sovereignty. This will provide political pressure on Trump from his domestic supporters.
American business has done very well for the last 75 years with free trade, globalization, international institutions and American dominance through alliances. Trump’s promise of lower taxes and regulation and threats of intervention for non-supporters will lead many to accept his approach, but some corporations and industries will be devastated by his trade wars. These corporations and others may see that the threat to the whole system is too large to ignore.
5 of 27 Republican governors have strong reasons to oppose any overreach by President Trump. Brian Kemp (GA), Kelly Ayotte (NH), Mike DeWine (OH), Phil Scott (VT) and Glenn Youngkin (VA). 7 of the 23 Democratic governors have national aspirations and will use their powers to aggressively thwart anti-democratic measures. Gavin Newsom (CA), Jared Polis (CO), Andy Beshear (KY), Wes Moore (MD), Gretchen Whitmer (MI), Kathy Hochul (NY), and Josh Shapiro (PA).
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_current_United_States_governors
Trump was good for business in his first term. He will be great for business in his second term. Journalists and media firms have lost their interest in providing “balanced” coverage and stretching to find a way to interpret Trump policies, actions and statements within traditional frameworks. They are more willing to directly and repeatedly say that he is lying, that his actions break the law and norms, that his actions are inconsistent with American history. They more quickly fact check and place his actions within the context of US and global history. They challenge his wording and stories. They attempt to prioritize the news of the day and not become distracted by all of his noise.
Evangelical Christians have supported President Trump because he has delivered on his promise to appoint judges who oppose abortion and support socially conservative positions. They have rationalized that his imperfect personal character is a case of God using him for good purposes. Younger and idealistic people are leaving these churches because of this strange alliance. Some leaders now speak out against Trump. Trump has “punted” on national abortion policies, arguing that they should be resolved in each state. Actions which threaten historical American norms on politics may be “the straw which breaks the camel’s back”. Liberal churches have chosen to stay out of national politics for many decades. Trump’s cold-hearted approach to issues may lead them to oppose him from the pulpit. Protestant churches generally agree to “Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s, and unto God the things that are God’s”, but the generally unchallenged German Nazi situation remains as a stain on their conscience. Churches are much less influential than they once were, but certain transgressions may spring them into action.
https://www.newsweek.com/trump-christians-evangelicals-refugees-immigration-migrants-2021716
https://nationalcouncilofchurches.us/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barmen_Declaration
Although we are polarized politically, there is a large middle one-third of Americans that consider themselves “independent”. They may lean left or right, but they pride themselves on being pragmatic and not buying into the unfounded claims of politicians on either side. The American people, even most diehard Republicans, will not accept actions that undermine our government or society. Trump is expendable. There is a Republican vice president who can take his place, as necessary.
President Trump’s first 2 weeks indicate that he will test the limits of our democracy. He strongly believes that his personal views are right, and that the country has provided him with a mandate to implement them quickly and permanently. Our political system provides the president with well-defined limited powers. He will “cross the line”. There are a dozen institutions that can and will push back.

I believe that our society has adopted a radically individualist perspective without being aware that “it” has made these choices and transmitted its choices though our culture. Historically, conservatives have been the main promoters of the “community” complement to individualism, but I don’t see any possibility for our current conservative party to effectively fulfill this role in its populist, nationalist, xenophobic, capitalist, commercialist, elitist, authoritarian, transactional state. Liberals have not been exceptionally strong promoters of “community” or community organizations other than the central state historically, but I will argue that 6 core liberal objectives require strong communities and community organizations for success. I have broached this subject in 3 other recent articles.
Strong economic agents often have the ability to misuse their economic resources in all dimensions. They can shape political, governmental, judicial and administrative choices. They can use their power to obtain greater than market returns/rates from labor, suppliers, competitors, lenders, investors, partners, universities, not for profits, professional, managerial and executive staff, nations, non-governmental organizations, immigrants, children, minorities, women, disabled and other low power groups. Strong players can treat other agents purely as means and ignore their humanity. Strong players can shape products, product markets, delivery channels, advertising, marketing and communications to take advantage of human weaknesses in making economic decisions. Radical liberals argue that these abuses are inherent and extreme. Most liberals point to the evidence of historical abuses to support their concerns about concentrated power and advocate for controls, laws, checks and balances, counterweights, information, regulation, expectations, legal opportunities, etc.
Community plays a major role in politics through political parties, unions, community organizations, interest groups, industry associations, professional organizations, government employee organizations, journalist associations, media associations, universities, teachers’ organizations, PTO’s, legal associations, social services organizations, community foundations, churches, civic organizations, social organizations, veterans’ organizations, etc. Individuals who have experience as members, volunteers, funders, leaders and beneficiaries of organizations are likelier to participate in other organizations and believe that organizations make a difference in the political process at all levels.
Community organizations and select industries also play a crucial role in shaping the implicit political, economic, social and moral beliefs of our society. Capitalism, free markets, democracy, liberty, progress, America, opportunity, God, federalism, government, regulation, rule of law, entrepreneurship, free trade, unions, populism, presidential power; the list of concepts and their proper roles is long. Education, university education, churches and religion, mainstream media, other media, entertainment industry, arts, music, professions, industries, youth and college organizations, political communications, etc. The list of influencers is long. Groups, organizations and community matter.
Most importantly, community experience shapes our beliefs regarding the relationship between the individual and the community. We currently emphasize the economic, social, personal development and political rights of individuals. We de-emphasize the rights of communities and organizations and the responsibilities of individuals who “belong” to these organizations. We emphasize individual choice, tolerance, rights and “limited liability” commitments.
The modern right has embraced the “pure” capitalist system as the primary defender of all individual rights, liberties and freedoms. Natural “laissez faire”. Social Darwinism. Anti-communism. Anti-totalitarianism. Anti-government. Anti-regulation. Anti-centralization. Entrepreneurship. Road to Serfdom. Job creators. Greed is good. Wealth is good. Lives of the rich and famous. Horatio Alger. These stories, ideologies, politics, myths, principles, policies, science, and beliefs are centrally important to individuals adopting a view of the role, risks and control of economic power.
Liberals tend to point towards the universal, abstract dimension. The nation. Global humanity. The rational view points towards the highest level as the most effective way to outline or solve problems. The national community is suspect because of fascist risks. Perhaps a proper national community could be used to support liberal views. Lincoln, FDR and Kennedy embraced the nation. The global community may be useful for religious or abstract politics, but it is seen as highly important by only a very small slice of our citizens.
Communities of interest are more important. These organizations shape both political activity and the underlying views of the people.
“Liberals” have mostly discounted the risks of state power, even after the many examples of totalitarian atrocities on the left and right. Yet philosophically this concern was at the heart of “classical liberalism”, which created the relatively low power American national government (even on the second try). The power of the state, the military, the draft board, the DOJ, the FBI, the police, the courts, the national guard and the imperial president were major concerns for liberals in the 1960’s. The power of “the state” to monitor the activities of ordinary citizens was also an issue in the 1960’s and 1970’s as the actions of the CIA and Nixon’s government were revealed. In the second Trump administration many liberals are once again wisely worried about centralized political power.
The use of community organizations in politics is critical as noted above.
Liberals are generally much more concerned about the role that culture can play in indoctrinating individuals to support and comply with a single view of citizenship, politics, religion, culture, law and life. The 1950’s (!) and 1960’s cultural revolution or counterculture was largely about protecting the individual from the forces of conformity to the nation, big business, commercial society, small towns, and religion.
Following Rousseau, liberals believe that individuals have great potential for personal growth and creativity. This expression of individual potential holds a mystical, infinite, divine quality. Forces that constrain this journey should be opposed. Those who support the use of human possibilities must be supported.
I think this is a critical point to reconsider. Government, religion and cultural institutions do have the power to overreach in favor of the views of the powerful actors in society. They can support pure capitalism, nationalism, populism, elitism, religious conformity, commercialism, pragmatism, materialism, etc. They can also support the liberal world view: balance, true individual rights, justice, opportunity, equality, peace, diversity, global community, progress, improvement, human rights. Community, organizations and institutions are tools. They can be used by any political, moral, economic, pragmatic, interest or social group to advance their interests.
As noted in the prior section, organizations are essential to the political process. There is a risk that political and cultural organizations will align to support conservative political views, even the most extreme, fundamentalist, literalist, constraining, oppressive, unequal, static, wasteful, impersonal ones that liberals oppose.
Undermining the role of “community”, of local organizations, of communities of interest, does not help to oppose the ongoing march of conservatives towards a highly structured system that supports the rule by the successful over the rest. The existence of a wide variety of healthy organizations is essential to provide a counterbalance against a single worldview becoming dominant and oppressive.
Historically, philosophical conservatives were MOST concerned about society, the nation, God, tradition, community, family, race, history, avoiding disaster, etc. They wanted to preserve the positive aspects of the inherited society. The individualist, rationalist views of the “Enlightenment” were not embraced. … Until it became clear that the kings, church, nobility, and landed aristocracy were going to be replaced by the new elites of capitalism, trade, ownership, law, university, and denominations. Then, the conservatives “changed horses” to the new winners in modern society. The individualistic strain of economic life in capitalism became supreme. The true “community” dimension of religion, local community, guild, union, charity, service, parish, precinct, tradition, protection, festivals, saints, colleagues, heroes, handicrafts, debt forgiveness, tithes, noblesse oblige, leadership, extended family, common law, music, art, food, dress, language, etc. became much less important. Daniel Bell argued that the “cultural contradictions of capitalism” made it impossible for any society based on pure capitalism to survive or thrive.
https://www.goodreads.com/en/book/show/734077.The_Cultural_Contradictions_of_Capitalism
There is an inherent conflict between social and economic conservatism. The first elevates community. The second elevates the individual. Ronald Reagan was able to combine both strands into a single loosely defined worldview. He argued that traditional American social values are consistent with “free market” economics. Republicans through Trump have managed to maintain the same conglomeration of incompatible views.
Republicans have managed to win the political wars. Democrats have managed to win the culture wars. The Republican cultural counteroffensive is alive today. Anti-trans rights. Public choice education. Anti-mainstream media. Anti-elite. Anti-university. White nationalism. So-called Christian nationalism.
Cultural values are transmitted through communities, organizations, government, laws, businesses, work experience, political experience, family, friends, and colleagues. Democrats would be wise to invest resources in developing and communicating community supporting world views.
Liberals worry about the ability of conservatives to use “human nature” to manipulate citizens. Consider Jonathan Haidt’s moral foundations theory. Humans inherently respond to moral, political and religious calls based on loyalty, authority, purity, honor and ownership. Liberals highlight care, fairness, and equality and some degree of liberty and proportionality. They believe that Western civilization has moved beyond the other 5 values and that politicians who appeal to citizens on these dimensions are merely hucksters. They worry about the framing of issues, groupthink, victimhood, low education, low information, selfish citizens.
Liberals worry about a “least common denominator” world view, and its use by politicians. Fundamentalist, legalistic, fixed religion. Simple slogans. Survival. No change. Polarization. Unthinking either/or. Local/provincial. Commercial. Conventional. Bourgeoisie. Selfish. Self-interested. Unquestioning. Following. Cheering. Uncritical. Short-term. Blindly following “experts” or leaders. Blindly individualistic. Elevating history and personal experience. Family, clan and tribe. They believe that every individual is capable of personal growth and seeing a broader, more abstract perspective of life. Rousseau once again. Infinite possibilities for all. Individuals who do not pursue the great possibilities of life are seen as living a false consciousness. This is most explicit in Marxism and postmodernism but part of mainstream liberal thought.
Liberals tend to embrace the abstract, idealistic views of Plato, Descartes, Locke, Rousseau, Spinoza, Hegel, Marx and Kant. They believe that a single well-defined worldview must be right. They struggle with the messy applied views of Aristotle, Jesus, Hume and Dewey. Normal humans are nearly all on the applied, analog, pragmatic, complex, unfinished, uncertain end of the spectrum.
In all of these areas, culture is transmitted through community. A very small share of people study, or even sample philosophy, theology, sociology, economics or political science. Fewer yet study literature, history, art or the humanities.
“Cultural conservatives” have highlighted the importance of community organizations in transmitting culture. Now, they want to politicize previously neutral or secular institutions. Public schools, libraries, judges, FBI, DOJ, BMV, sheriffs, public health, emergency preparedness and response, private schools, election boards and officials. Moderates and liberals must evaluate and respond to these initiatives. How do we preserve important institutions as truly neutral? What political effort is needed for those that must be politicized?
Until Trump-times, liberals did not need to worry about the basic structure of the American government. The rule of law. Political norms. Objectivity. Facts. Logic. Conscience. Character. Historical traditions. Bipartisan American foreign policy. Voting rights. Civil rights. Freedom of the press. Freedom of religion. Checks and balances. Pride of the Senate. Independent judiciary. Protected federal workers. Nonpartisan military. Independent agencies like Federal Reserve Board. American commitment to allies. American commitment to treaties. In a flash, Trump has used the skepticism of Descartes, Hume, Nietzsche, the existentialists and postmodernists to propose a truly radical world of only “might makes right” without any constraints. Hegel to the infinite power. A portion of the electorate and one party and that party’s leadership and key supporters have embraced this worldview, perhaps without understanding everything that it implies.
We have important cultural beliefs to consider. Strong, dynamic, engaged, tense, battle tested, creative, robust, forward-thinking groups of citizens are needed to formulate alternative views and oppose these challenges to the progress of modernity, Western civilization and classical liberalism.
Our government does not deliver its core services. Government is not efficient or effective compared with private sector firms and industries. Government fails to reflect the will of the people, even when it is strong and clear. The political system has been captured by politicians who have structured the rules to highlight politicians’ re-election and power. The political system has been captured by influential interest groups. Political competition is based on communications rather that content. The political system does not encourage or reward participation by the people. Political parties seek their own best interests rather than the nation’s best interests. The political system strongly favors the status quo. The political system strongly favors the interests of the powerful, wealthy and well organized versus the popular will. Strong forces are able to shape administrative implementation of laws.
Our two-party system is broken. Our media system is broken. Trust in the government at all levels and in all functions has been systematically undermined as a deliberate strategy by one political party.
Community institutions are required to overcome this situation. Political parties, interest groups, churches, community organizations, social welfare organizations, not for profits, professional organizations, industry organizations, states, counties, metro areas, global organizations, environmental organizations, patriotic organizations, veterans’ organizations, civil rights organizations, lifestyle organizations, local charities and United Ways, children’s organizations, youth organizations, fraternities, sororities, civic organizations …
Western civilization improved the opportunities and results for its citizens and the whole world from 1500 through 1914. The world wars, fascism, communism, totalitarianism and the great depression undermined public and intellectual confidence in “progress”. The post-WWII era recovered confidence in slow, sustained global progress based on the “western consensus” of mixed-market capitalism, democracy and international trade. The 9/11 terrorist attacks, the market failure based great recession, the rise of China’s state-oriented system, political polarization, mixed lessons from a global pandemic, rogue Russia, Iran and North Korea, global warming/climate change threats, and BREXIT withdrawal from the European dream have once again undermined our sense of progress. We face challenges, big challenges. Is our political system up to the challenge?
Historically, America has responded to global or conceptual challenges with revised political structures. We seem to be stuck in a trap. Only community organizations that aim to recover the principle of the government reflecting the general will of the people can lead the way. As Americans, we believe in manifest destiny and American exceptionalism. We can do whatever it takes to succeed. That is our history and our calling.
Our culture today focuses on personal growth, development, creativity and possibilities. Yet all individuals have an intense need to be validated for both their performance and their selves. Our society provides many ways to support the results of personal growth but only a few that embrace the individual directly.
A market economy requires us to fill the role of economic man as a specialized producer, employee, investor, property owner, trader and consumer. The economic value of the role is recognized. Only for those in the “creative class” is the individual even partially seen as a human being rather than merely “human capital”. Consistent compliance with the various economic roles is required, so they tend to “crowd out” other ways of thinking.
The market determines the “value” of all things in purely economic terms. The meritocracy funnels us into the highest “value added” activities which don’t often match our talents, personalities or interests. We set aside those other dimensions of ourselves. We start to view all choices as economic choices, pushing aside personal, social, political or spiritual factors.
We practice instrumental rationality in our decision making in business, science and law. We seek of optimize means for given ends. We balance costs and benefits, risks and rewards, short-term and long-term. This habitual way of thinking is reinforced through our “personal productivity” tools. We optimize our writing, data, reports, calendars, projects, processes, teams and schedules. We adopt this optimizing efficiency and effectiveness perspective. We become more like our computers and machines.
We face challenges of scale. Huge bureaucracies in business, government, and nonprofit organizations. They are large and process driven. Most have systematized, automated and optimized their “user interfaces” to the point where connecting with another human is nearly impossible. Some organizations do invest in making “self-service” easier, but the net effect is that we become “cogs in the machine” in order to transact our required daily activities. This is not new, but the pervasiveness, complexity and lack of options accumulates.
Organizations struggle to make individual choices with individual customers, employees, partners or suppliers. In general, a standard process is more effective, less risky and approved by the legal department. A decision-tree outlines all possibilities. Front-line employees, even highly paid professionals, are less empowered to make “business decisions” based upon all factors. This undercuts both the former decision makers and their partners.
Our meritocratic culture highlights the best, the winners, the exceptional, the superb, the most creative or unusual, the leaders, those who have overcome adversity. The focus is mainly on the end results of the few, rather than the common human experience of all. The demands of the meritocracy cause all human activities to be evaluated for resume and career building. No time for the person, the spirit, community, friends, art, health or fun.
We measure everything. What gets measured gets done. Helpful human measures are rare.
Our culture provides very weak philosophical answers. A secular age. Pure materialism. Skepticism, agnosticism, atheism. Pure subjectivism and radical tolerance. Utilitarian, calculating measures of pleasure and pain. Mainly scientific, instrumental, transactional psychologies. Anxiety revealing existentialism and postmodernism. Universities and public intellectuals that have undermined religion.
Our politics has devolved into simple red versus blue tribe allegiances, discouraging efforts at innovation, finding common ground, understanding, empathizing, communicating, or cooperating. Many feel their identities as men or women, whites or blacks, rich or poor as being imposed upon them rather than being chosen.
That’s pretty depressing. Fortunately, we humans are tough. We find some community and validation at home, school, work and other organizations. We use our tools. We squeeze in “real life”. We “check out” from the structures. Overall, we don’t get as much affirmation as we desire, especially in a word focused on personal growth.
There are solutions to address our situation. Legislation and social pressures for human, labor, consumer and patient rights. Traditional and experiential education on community, decision making, spirituality, consumer economics, personal finance, team building, leadership, multiple intelligences, talents, wisdom, creativity, goal setting, planning, leadership, boundaries. A more complex, structured, incentive slanted world requires individuals to understand their situation and what they can do to survive and thrive.
These are classic “liberal” priorities. Protected and well-educated individuals are best positioned to combat the intrusion of external forces that impinge on their humanity. Improved forms of community are needed to support a political party that is focused on the needs of all individuals. New forms of community education and experience are required for the “lifelong learning” needed to build so many competencies, frameworks, tools, insights and wisdom.
I believe that most demographic, class, philosophy and interest groups within the conservative tent have these same experiences with modern life. They hope for a return to an earlier age when the existing institutions were better prepared to help with this most important dimension of human life. I think most really understand that there is no “going back” to the 1950’s exactly as it was. We need to upgrade our institutions and communities to make life better. This is an area where creative bipartisan efforts can deliver great value.
The classical liberal emphasis on human rights, from the “bill of rights” through the recognition of minority rights in the last century is at risk. The “rule of law”, independent judiciary, political norms, civil service, career service, military, agencies, property and other structural components of our political system are at risk in a society that has lost the memory of the wars against fascism and communism. Modern “liberals” allowed “conservatives” to ensure that schools, civic clubs, youth organizations and editorialists would reinforce this critical component. Today, we need a “coalition of the willing” from both parties to protect these guardians of our security.
Post-Reagan America grudgingly accepts a government funded patchwork social safety net. Since 1981, the economy has become more dynamic, specialized, competitive and international. Employees have lost their informal “rights” to lifelong employment, fixed benefit pensions, stakeholder influence, seniority, respect for tribal knowledge, camaraderie, etc. Firms, factories, offices, roles and contracts “come and go”. Firms outsource, import and contract as required. Americans approved the “Reagan Revolution” two generations ago. The social safety net has not been adjusted to match the reality of employment insecurity today. Community organizations that once provided important parts of the “safety net” now play a much smaller part. All employees feel insecure. George W. Bush opened the door for both parties to embrace conservative means to liberal ends with the outline of “compassionate conservatism”. Liberals might find this compromise solution more effective than the current political stalemate that creates a widening gap between personal insecurity and social solutions.
Overall, our economy continues to provide opportunities for employment and ownership. Political parties argue about equal opportunity for different groups, changes in opportunities and the right degree of opportunities.
Our culture offers mixed messages about opportunity. We highlight those who succeed from all backgrounds. We celebrate innovation, creativity, output and entrepreneurship. We support change management as a required part of a dynamic economy. We celebrate American exceptionalism and the growth of opportunity, liberty, and prosperity. We tell our children that they can become anything that they want to be. We have been a confident society.
The politics of equal opportunity has highlighted the real challenges for those who possess less economic, family, neighborhood, education, language, confidence, communications or cultural assets in a competitive world. Slower economic growth for the bottom and middle thirds of the economy for 50 years has dented confidence. Polarized politics makes the economy and other national contexts more negative when the other party is in power. The replacement of a religious culture with a secular culture makes the economy the dominant or only factor in assessing the future. There is a “victimhood” strand within our culture that disconnects many fellow citizens when they experience difficult times. Our media driven world highlights the negative, simple and exceptional stories, overshadowing the long-term progress that continues to be made in most areas of life. The post-1960’s, Vietnam, Watergate mind is ironic and skeptical. We find it difficult to “believe” in progress, institutions or trust. The increased scale of society leads some individuals to doubt that they have any agency whatsoever. Some individuals find cultural, political and business support for “diversity” a threat to their personal opportunities.
Liberal leaders enjoy taking the critic’s role. In this case, we need to define, promote, communicate, implement and sustain a renewed confidence in our society, politics, economy and personal lives. Liberals need to be advocates and promoters. The message has to be based on reality and believable. We have strengths in our society and can develop new ones. This core socialization function is naturally provided through universities, opinion leaders, media, schools, civic organizations, churches, youth organizations, neighborhoods and local governments.
The power and influence of a truly “laissez faire” capitalist system is the root cause of the 5 liberal issues above. (1) Unconstrained economic agents use and abuse their power. Competitive markets are strong forces. Large firms are stronger, smarter, more creative and enduring. (2) The individualist, commercial “free enterprise” system inherently undermines “community” as a force to conserve culture. (3) Economic interests tend to capture the political system and eventually undermine its basic operations. (4) The mature technological economic system undermines our humanity. (5) The fully empowered economic system threatens human rights, security and opportunity.
The root cause of these problems is that a pure market system, unconstrained by law, politics, regulators, religion, culture, history, options, unions, cooperatives grows too strong. There is no limit to corporate size and rewards but the incentives for growth remain. There is no limit to market share without anti-trust laws and enforcement. There are no limits to opportunities from political capture without spending and lobbying regulations. There are no limits to judicial and election manipulation. There are no limits to supplier, labor and customer squeezes. There are no feedback mechanisms to constrain the beast once it has overcome political and cultural/social limits.
There are even more negative consequences that we see today.
The economic system becomes so dominant that it simply excludes all competitors. We see a “race to the bottom” of countries, states and municipalities lining up to incentivize powerful firms to do business by cutting taxes and regulations, reducing labor and environmental burdens and offering subsidies. Employees lose union rights and then even basic employee rights as they become reclassified as contractors. Firms squeeze suppliers down to marginal cost pricing. They collect fees for the “right” to do business with them.
The large scale integrated economic system becomes so dominant that alternatives are eliminated. Everyone must use the banking system. Small scale firms must use the main economic system for supplies, services, logistics, and distribution. Only a small number of suppliers remain for each product or service. Individuals find it difficult to disconnect from the grid.
The system also comes to dominate the culture philosophically. Individualism and commercialism undermine institutions and community. Instrumental, scientific, objective cost-benefit reasoning comes to dominate thinking and become the default way of seeing the world. Utilitarianism, libertarianism, materialism, pragmatism, existentialism and atheism become attractive philosophies. Philosophical conservativism is replaced by winning.
The threat of losing in a meritocratic system with weak safety nets and the need for public affirmation of winners leads to lives devoted to economic success and the exclusion of all else.
Extreme views like “social Darwinism” return. Greed is good. A “winners are good, losers are bad and deserve to lose” view becomes socially acceptable. “Every man for himself” is considered wisdom. All relations become transactional. The pursuit of self-interest is honored. “The end justifies the means” is accepted as valid in all spheres of life. The “great man” theory of history and leadership is adopted. All relations are considered win/lose, even when win/win options are obvious. “Might makes right” is seen as self-evident in all arenas.
In 1992 Francis Fukuyama confidently proclaimed the “end of history” and the permanent victory of Western capitalism and democracy. In the last 30 years Western capitalism has continued to grow, manage technical revolutions and dominate the global economy while other nations have also grown significantly, driving the greatest reduction of poverty in human history. We have not seen the “end of history”. The powerful economic system systematically undermines those who confront it and usually wins. The results for society are mixed, unacceptable and unstable.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_End_of_History_and_the_Last_Man
I don’t believe that the powerful interests of unchecked capitalism can be overcome by political tactics or specific reforms alone. I think that they can only be offset when a majority of Americans understand, in some fashion, the threat which this radical ideology and extreme, revolutionary political force poses to our nation and society. It requires a credible political alternative. It requires a groundswell of support for rule by the people interpreted as a solid majority of 60%. It requires idealistic liberals to embrace this centrist bias for the good of society.
We live in the greatest economic society in history. We have the ability to grow, trade, solve global problems and provide greater economic opportunities for all and a more effective safety net without reducing the incentives that drive the economic machine.
To reach these goals, we need to gain broad consensus on the need for balance in our politics. We have 6 political camps in the US: far left, center-left, center, center-right, far right and undecided. We can turn this into dozens by looking at economic, cultural, military, international and philosophical dimensions. We’re not going to get 60% to the left or to the right in the US, even by its relatively conservative political standards compared with other developed countries. We are stuck with each other. We are blessed to live in the first country that embraced the “classical liberal” political system with its “checks and balances” approach. This is an inherently cautious, socially and economically conservative system, but it allows for change when it must occur.
We are at one of those times in history. We must find another “New Deal” that preserves the economic goose that lays the golden eggs, while taming the goose so that she does not become the golden goddess. To do this, we need leadership. We need conversations and interaction. We need trust. We need “liberals” to embrace community and culture as important and valid shapers of public opinion. We need to agree on a revised political system. We need to support community institutions that shape, reinforce and reward cultural beliefs. Laws and education are not enough. Real people learn by experience, examples, stories, friends, neighbors and community leaders who they trust. There is no great leader, communications, tagline, brand, flag, music, framing, research, program or legal shortcut.
I think that radical individualism is the curse of our time. “A pox on both your houses”. Liberals have over promoted social individualism while conservatives have over promoted economic individualism. Unbridled capitalism is the root cause of many of our society’s challenges. I encourage liberals to overcome their historical suspicion of “community” as merely an agent of the Church, priests, kings, lords, landlords, capitalists and merchants. The “classic liberal” political model only supports a “thin” set of moral values promoting the state, separation of church and state and tolerance. That is not enough to offset the power of wealth in the modern capitalist economic system. The financial stakes are much too high in a $27 Trillion economy with 20 million millionaires. Large financial interests will always win and expand to infinity … unless we have some kind of broader agreed upon framework. I believe we can embrace such a framework only if we leverage communities to send, consider and support such a message.
Historically, liberals have welcomed change, considered new ideas, experimented, innovated, broken idols, destroyed sacred cows, valued reason and confidently believed in a better future. Finding a way to make “community” a central part of our politics, economics and society is a new opportunity to apply those values.
Daniel Bell was a sociologist and public intellectual throughout the post WW II era. His views on the emergence of the “Radical Right” as exemplified by Joseph McCarthy’s unexpected influence and impact are worth quoting extensively. Their pointed relevance to recent history is apparent. The quotes are from chapter 6 of “The End of Ideology”, 1960 which republished the first chapter of the earlier book.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Daniel_Bell
America in mid-century is in many respects a turbulent country. Oddly enough, it is a turbulence born, not of depression, but of prosperity. … brings in its wake new anxieties, new strains, new urgencies.
One important reason is the restraining role of the electoral system. These factors of rigid electoral structure have set definite limits on the role of protest movements, left and right, in American life. [until the Tea Party]
The “common man” is the source of ultimate appeal if not authority. Harrison won [in 1840], and the lesson was clear. Politics as a skill in manipulating the masses became the established feature of political life. The upper classes withdrew from direct participation in politics. The lawyer, the journalist, the drifter, finding politics an open ladder for advancement, came bounding up from the lower middle classes.
But while sectional politics has somewhat diminished, class politics has not taken its place. Instead, there has been the spectacular rise of pressure groups and lobbies. The multiplication of interests and the fractioning of groups … make it difficult to locate the sources of political power in the United States. … Does not mean, however, that all interests have equal power. This is a business society.
These lines of thought do not help us … to explain the emergence of the new American right wing, the group that S. M. Lipset has dubbed the “radical right” — radical because it opposes traditional conservatism, with its respect for individual rights, and because it sought to impose new patterns in American life. All this is dramatized by the issue of McCarthy and the communists. … It is difficult to explain the unchallenged position so long held by Senator McCarthy. It still fails to take into account the extensive damage to the democratic fabric that McCarthy and others were able to cause. … Reckless methods disproportionate to the problem. … compulsive Americanism … loyalty oaths … wild headlines … the suspicion and miasma of fear that played so large a role in American politics.
Calling him a demagogue explains little. McCarthy’s targets were intellectuals, especially Harvard men, Anglophiles, internationalists, the Army. Important clues to the right-wing support … a strange melange … soured patricians … whose emotional stake lay in a vanishing image of a muscular America defying a decadent Europe … the “new rich” — the automobile dealers, real estate manipulators, oil wildcatters — who needed the psychological assurance that they … had earned their own wealth, rather than (as in fact) through government aid, and who feared that “taxes” would rob them of that wealth … the rising middle class strata of various ethnic groups.
The central idea of the status politics conception is that groups that are advancing in wealth and social position are often as anxious and politically feverish as groups that have become declasse. … Seek more violently than ever to impose on all groups the older values of a society which they once represented. This rise takes place in periods of prosperity. These political forces, by their very nature, are unstable.
There are several consequences to the changed political temper in American life, most notably the introduction on a large scale of “moral issues” into political debate. By and large, this is new. Throughout their history, Americans have had an extraordinary talent for compromise in politics and extremism in morality. In matters of manners, morals and conduct – particularly in the small towns – there has been a ferocity of blue-nose attitudes unmatched by other countries. The sources of the moralism are varied. There has been a middle class culture. Moral indignation … characteristic of religions that have abandoned otherworldly preoccupations and concentrate on thisworldly concerns. Piety gives way to moralism.
This moralism, itself not unique to America, is linked to an evangelicalism that is unique. … the peculiar evangelicalism of Methodism and Baptism, with its high emotionalism, its fervor, enthusiasm, and excitement, its revivalism, its excesses of sinning and high-voltage confessing, has played a much more important role. The revivalist spirit was egalitarian and anti-intellectual. The evangelical churches wanted to “improve” man, whereas the liberals wanted to reform institutions. This moralism … would be imposed with vehemence in areas of culture and conduct – in the censorship of books, attacks on “immoral art”, etc., and in the realm of private habits; yet it was rarely heard regarding the depredations of business or the corruption of politics.
The moralizing temper had another consequence: the reinforcement of the “populist” character of American society. While in American culture the small town has been “defeated”, in American politics it has still held sway. So long as world experiences could be assimilated into the perceptions of the small town … the dichotomy of politics and moralism could prevail. But with the growth of international ideologies, the breakdown of market mechanisms, the bewildering complexities of economic decisions … the anxieties of decision-making became overwhelming.
Americans, in their extraordinary optimism, find it hard to stand defeat. The cry of betrayal and charge of conspiracy is an old one in American politics. These men were “terrible simplifiers”. All politics was a conspiracy, and at the center of the web were the “international bankers” and “the money changers”.
An unsettled society is always an anxious one and nowhere has this been truer than in the United States. In an egalitarian society, where status is not fixed … the acquisition of status becomes all important, and the threats to one’ status anxiety provoking. The socio-psychological attitude that [Gunnar] Myrdal discerned in the South has been equally characteristic of the immigrant pattern in American life. As each successive wave of people came over, they grouped together and viewed the next wave with hostility and fear. In the 1890’s …there was an effort to create a ‘high society’ with its own protocol and conventions.
But the fact that the arena of politics [1950’s] was now foreign policy allowed the moralistic strains to come to the fore. While domestic issues have been argued in hard-headed, practical terms … foreign policy has always been phrased in moralistic terms.
Political debate, therefore, moves from specific clashes of interest, in which issues can be identified and possibly compromised, to ideologically tinged conflicts which polarize the various groups and divide society. The tendency to convert concrete issues into ideological problems, to invest them with emotional color and high emotional charge, is to invite conflicts which can only damage a society. It has been one of the glories of the United States that politics has been a pragmatic give-and-take rather than a series of wars-to-the-death.
Democratic politics means bargaining between legitimate groups and the search for consensus. This is so because the historic contribution of liberalism was to separate law from morality.
American politics between 1870 and 1950 mostly focused on classic economic interests and ideologies. Mainly conservative dominance in the 19th century, interrupted by some “progressive” reforms at the turn of the century, a return to business rule and then two decades of FDR’s “New Deal”. Americans embraced democracy and modestly regulated capitalism, rejecting socialism/communism and totalitarianism/fascism. Bell argued in the 1950’s that we had reach the “end of ideology”, much like Fukuyama argued we had reached “the end of history” 40 years later. The Soviet communist option had been discredited in many ways. Politics and intellectuals would adapt to find new dimensions of differences. The “radical right” was one option that Bell described as new, different than the core conservative politics of the last 75 years but clearly leveraging existing factors in American politics.
Bell’s key insight as a sociologist is that groups of people have social, political and economic interests and pursue them. Marx’s simplistic economic determinism had proven to be unfounded, and his solutions had been disasters. Yet … individuals and groups of individuals are often driven by “status” first, not power or wealth. He highlighted the role of groups with new, unstable, threatened or declining status as very important.
The international economic competition revolution of the 1970’s and the “greed is good” cultural revolution of the 1980’s reflect the transformation of America into a meritocracy. Firms and organizations felt great pressure to perform so they did a much better job of defining needs, recruiting, socializing, retaining and compensating those who add the most value. They also gave up on their paternalistic roles and embraced the need to make economically rational decisions even when they conflicted with other factors and stakeholders. These changes obviously effected blue collar workers, but they also challenged supervisors, professionals, managers and executives. Job security and status security were shredded.
We now have a much, much more anxious society. This is obvious in rural America, the rust belt, and “fly over” country. But it is nearly as important on the coasts, in the growing Sunbelt cities and in the suburbs. The relative winners are preserving their gains. The modest middle-class winners are very insecure. The bottom one-third have largely lost hope, are angry and easily prodded to take a “victim” perspective.
Bell says that unstable groups can be manipulated by politicians. He describes the playbook. Populism, emotions, morality, religion, polarization, targets, anti-elites, anti-intellectuals. He notes that these factors apply to individuals at all economic levels of society. Individuals want to have a solid social status so that they can enjoy their wealth, power and lives. Trump’s offer to “make America great again” is a promise to provide this security against the various threats. Bell doesn’t think this approach is effective in the long run because mere promises will not deliver the promised results.
Individuals require an ideology or a religious belief in order to be relatively secure within a true meritocracy. A revival of mainstream religious belief and participation is overdue in America. A purely secular worldview that provided security from pursuing one’s talents and rejecting economic and status goals might help some individuals.
The Trump coalition of bottom two-thirds social concerns with top 5% economic concerns is unstable in the long-run. “We won’t get fooled again”. “Meet the new boss, same as the old boss”. There are inherent, deep divisions between these two groups. The top 5% can thrive in a world with very limited public services, the bottom two-thirds cannot. The top 5% cannot allow the extreme Trump policies which threaten their wealth and status (anti-trade, lost allies, anti-universities, anti-media, irrational immigration policies, deficit spending/inflation, huge industrial policy investments, imperial president, undermined rule of law). They support human rights, globalism, DEI, minority interests, global health, global environment, global finance. Trump has managed to combine judge appointments, deregulation and tax cuts to maintain his minority coalition. It is only the weakness and strategic incoherence of the Democratic Party’s policies that has allowed this to succeed.
America has continued to grow wealthier. Its economy continues to be the envy of the world. The pie may be large enough to promise the 5% that they can keep their share while also promising the bottom two-thirds that we can run a society with a true safety net and some sharing of incremental income and wealth.
Americans may be ready to “take back” their government. Require civility. Prioritize real issues. Neutralize election policies. Set minimum character standards. Reward compromise and results. Require real majorities

1981 Oldsmobile 98. The “Main Street” Republican party of 1981. Practical, shiny, powerful, white walls, chrome trim, leather interior, accessible, landau roof, 4 doors, large, American, fender skirts, superior, a known and consistent item.
The 2024 Trump organization has few remaining connections to the 1981 Reagan Republican Party, or that of Eisenhower in the 50’s, Nixon in the 70’s or the Bushes in the 90’s or 00’s. Let’s highlight some of the big differences.
Republicans, like all political parties, have shuffled their coalition partners through time. The Reagan coalition was not the Eisenhower coalition, but the differences were minor. The Bushes generally embraced the broad “conservative” Reagan tent. Trump is clearly not a “philosophical” conservative. He is not trying to conserve a culture and its main institutions. He believes in a radical individualism closer to libertarianism and realpolitik. The world is dangerous. It is only win/lose. Only great deal makers can deliver results. The whole is the sum of the parts. “Trial and error” is an essential approach. There are very clear differences between the historical Republican Party and Trump’s views. I think they will become more apparent as Trump tries to implement his views.

Trump’s 2017 inauguration crowd was only one-third the size of Obama’s in 2009. I was there in 2009. The wind chill was around 10 degrees. Trump’s REAL and deep foreign policy support among Republicans is similarly quite small.
Trade wars, attacking allies and driving an active industrial policy all undermine the US economy, resulting in lower GDP, lower tax revenues, higher spending, a greater budget deficit and higher inflation. Fiscal conservativism was recently the hallmark of the Republican party. It helped to unify the various flavors of conservatism. Everyone could agree on a balanced budget amendment, no trade-offs of higher taxes for increased spending, and threatening a government shutdown and possible debt default in order to force congress and the president to address the budget deficit and the growing federal debt. The real situation is worse today, with larger debt as a share of GDP, a forecast increase and a large annual budget deficit during a time of 4% unemployment. Trump’s headline foreign policies threaten the economy. Despite the Federal Reserve Bank’s reduction to the benchmark federal funds rate, long-term interest rates have drifted upwards. Will a Paul Ryan re-emerge?
US based multinational corporations have thrived in the 75-year post-war era. They benefit greatly from the opportunities that free trade provides. Tariffs, trade wars, restrictions, industrial policy and presidential interference all reduce profits and increase risks. Trump may reduce corporate taxes and regulations, but international tariffs and regulations will hurt corporate bottom lines. The net benefits may quiet some corporate leaders. Others will incur greater harm and work to protect their interests.
American agriculture is a world class exporter. It thrives under consistent patterns of free trade. Trade retaliation is a big threat to agricultural revenues, profits and land values. Production agriculture is just 1% of US GDP, but it exceeds 5% of GDP in 1,130 American counties, averaging 14.11% of the value of production in this one-third of America geographically. In the other two-thirds of the country, agriculture accounts for just 0.36% of GDP, so it’s politically irrelevant. American agriculture has always been disproportionately effective in politics. Trade wars may soon have one-third of American counties up in arms.
Proven cultural and institutional frameworks are best. If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it. Support countries with similar cultural institutions and values. Protect the interests of the wealthy and powerful against the claims of the fringe interests. Isolationism, protectionism, and “do it yourself” foreign policy are unproven and risky strategies. The philosophical conservatives enjoyed a nice run from William Buckley’s 1950’s through the rise of the “tea party” in response to the Great Recession. They were amongst the first and strongest opponents of Trump’s views and have led the “never Trump” movement. They were never a large share of the party, but they provided a mental framework that allowed the components to work together and the conservative think tanks and media to earn a degree of respectability in the court of intellectual public opinion. Trump’s character challenges and blatant transactionalism and individualism cannot be reconciled with their views.
America dominates international finance and banking. Raising capital, making markets, advising firms, and making risky investments. The global financial system works for Wall Street. Rapid and unpredictable changes to the “rules of the game” increases risk levels and makes global investments harder to plan, finance and execute.
Might makes right. Don’t fall for ideals. This group agrees with Trump on basic principles but can’t understand why anyone would undermine the highly valuable postwar alliances that the US has developed with NATO and individual countries because “they don’t pay enough” or “they win too much in trade”.
True believers in capitalism and free markets see it as the best way to create and preserve value with the added side bonus of protecting individual liberty. Tariffs and active industrial policy are the traps that idealistic Democrats fall into. Republicans know that only the market, in the end, will deliver prosperity and liberty. Trump’s preference for a very active foreign economic policy and a relatively active and intrusive domestic economic policy does not match this group. They can embrace his general low tax, low regulation, only results matter views.
Same as above on economic policy issues. There is a huge risk of the empowered centralized state, stripped of checks and balances, turning around and threatening individual liberties. A centralized totalitarian or fascist state is a huge threat that must be avoided at all costs. Trump has a libertarian streak, but he does not embrace libertarian principles.
This group wants to ensure that the hard-working professionals, managers and small business owners that add value for Americans overall continue to receive their fair share of the rewards. Trump’s “activist” foreign policy puts these rewards at risk. Firms and investors, large and small, will win or lose based upon imposed tariffs, regulations and industrial policies. The economic churn will be much faster, greater and random. A significant number of previously secure upper middle-class professionals will incur significant losses in a much more dynamic Schumpeterian age of creative destruction. The general demonizing of the elites, bureaucrats, experts, intellectuals, scientists, universities, teachers, media, economists, military leaders, pundits, market researchers, pollsters, high-tech leaders, foreign policy community, NGO’s, public health, etc. is a big negative for this group which naturally found a home in the Republican party in the post-war era. Trump’s belief in the “great man” theory of history is at odds with the mildly progressive culture of suburban, upper middle-class America.
The US fought the “cold war” against communism for 50 years. Trump thinks that Putin is just another global competitor. Trump’s claim that “Putin’s actions are no better or worse than America’s historically” sounds like something Bernie Sanders might claim! He’s not worried about the communist views of China, North Korea or Vietnam. He’s ready to negotiate. He opposes the “communist” dictators in Cuba and Venezuela. There is no defense of the American values of democracy, equality, free markets or human rights in Trump’s approach. It’s simply America versus all other nations. Tactically and politically, Trump has repositioned China as the new great enemy. Historically, Americans fought the world wars, and the cold war based on the principles of democracy, liberty, freedom, individual values, capitalism and human rights. Trump wants to disengage from Europe and the Middle East while increasing assets to address China, just like Obama. Some patriots just need an enemy, others want to defend principles.
Many cultural conservatives have deep, fundamentalist religious beliefs. Their views are “right” and other views are “wrong”. Trump’s foreign policy is purely transactional. It doesn’t assert that the western or Christian world view is better, preferred or right. He’s not following Bush, Jr. to provide the world with the benefits of American political, economic and cultural systems. He just says that the American people, perhaps with their Christian/western opinions, are worth defending aggressively. It defends some dictators in Russia, Turkey and Hungary who do not share historical American values. Trump’s overall pragmatic, transactional, economics first views don’t square well with cultural conservatives who place moral and religious values first. Trump is delivering a set of Supreme Court and federal justices willing to overturn activist liberal judge rulings and to support legislation passed by culturally conservative states and the US Congress. He’s willing to poke at other cultures, races and nationalities as being “others”, not as good as the true Americans. Younger evangelicals seem less willing than their parents, who have been fighting the “culture wars” for 50 years, to embrace Trump at a transactional level and give up their ideals. Trump’s anti-immigrant posture, protecting America from the threat of the “others” does resonate with some cultural conservatives. Net, net, Trump is not losing support from this group due to his international policies.
This group clearly supports Trump’s populist diagnosis and prescriptions. The loss/decline of American industry was due to international traitors and coconspirators who undercut the owners and workers. It was all avoidable. Economic, banking, university, media and political elites conspired to undermine the domestic virtuous workers and owners in order to benefit “others”: other countries, religions, races, cultures, classes and interests. The story is just like Hitler’s description of the Weimar Republic leaders. The country was sabotaged by traitors. This is a very powerful story. Many Americans today buy this story. For how long?
Politics is all about telling a story and managing coalitions. Ronald Reagan told a very attractive story that wove together the various strands of conservatism into a coherent narrative. This story reframed American politics. Presidents Clinton and Obama confirmed the core conservative story, just like Eisenhower and Nixon confirmed the core New Deal story earlier. Newt Gingrich triggered both parties to adopt a polarized world view.
Trump leveraged this situation to attract economically and culturally disadvantaged individuals to embrace a greatly reformulated conservative, Republican, red, populist world view. Trump’s international relations policies don’t really fit well with the historical views of the Republican party. It remains to be seen if these mental conflicts will undermine his political support as he is able to implement them and deliver results. He is “riding on the coat tails” of broad popular support for “conservative” solutions to our many challenges.
International affairs have been secondary priorities for the last 50 years. They were top priority in the quarter century after WWII. Trump’s emphasis may make them top priority once again!

The world faces five issues that require global solutions.
The world has found a variety forums, agreements, institutions, relationships, indirect promises, incentives and threats that have “managed” such risks for 80 years. Unilateral bargaining has not been the best solution.
Trump overemphasizes a win/lose perspective, leverage and direct negotiations. Individuals, firms and countries since WWII have learned that there are win/win strategies and tactics to be considered even when the stakes are highest. Actors have used these strategies because they deliver sustainable results. The best negotiators use all of the tools which are available. They don’t use a hammer as their only tool.

https://www.amazon.com/Janesville-American-Story-Amy-Goldstein/dp/1501102265
This 2017 bestseller was applauded by the WSJ, The Economist, Harvard sociologist Robert Putnam, JD Vance (as a complement to Hillbilly Elegy) and Barrack Obama. It tells the story of Janesville, Wisconsin as a General Motors assembly plant with 3,000 workers was permanently closed in the turmoil of the Great Recession. It focuses on the impact on real people and the community’s response. The author concludes that neither the liberal response of job training nor the conservative response of economic redevelopment incentives was adequate to meet the community’s needs. What could work?
The US economic and legal system protects the property rights of investors, corporations, and banks. It doesn’t protect or promote the property rights of the other actors in society quite so well: workers, suppliers, local governments, charities, retirees, and children. It is the fundamental discrepancy between different groups that is highlighted in this book, catalyzing the last 15 year’s populist reaction against our system, and begging for a practical solution.
Financial interests are flexible. They can be bought, sold and mortgaged. They are geographically mobile. Money and financial instruments are fungible. They can be exchanged with zero to small loss of value.
Other interests are much less flexible and mobile. Labor assets are tied to an individual. Individual labor assets may be tied to a specific situation OR broadly applicable. Real property is tied to a local and regional location. Local governments and charities are tied to a geography. Families are emotionally tied to a location.
The historical political conflict was between the wealthy and the non-wealthy. Landed aristocracy and peasants. Capitalists and workers.
Wealth still matters. The advantages of financial wealth have multiplied in the modern world. Financial rates of return are higher. International opportunities exist. Financial markets are effective and efficient. Risk can be managed through portfolios and derivatives. The shear amount of wealth, and wealth per person, is large enough to be scientifically managed. Generational wealth is preserved. Wealthy interests have effectively “captured” the political system to ensure they are not over-taxed or over-regulated. Network effects from neighborhoods and elite colleges accumulate. The network effects from large metropolitan areas accumulate.
As the advantages of financial wealth have compounded in our society, the distribution of income and wealth has become more and more unequal. For the good of our whole society, it’s time to take some steps to “level the playing field”. This is not strictly about protecting the poor or “fairly” taxing the rich. It is about providing “roughly” equal protection to the various property interests in our society.
In a meritocratic, capitalist society, there will be an unequal distribution of income and wealth. It is difficult to find an obvious “rule of thumb” to limit this dispersion. The higher income and wealth individuals are sure that they have “earned” their returns. Many libertarians and conservatives believe that the “job creators” and “value creators” in society are under rewarded, even before progressive taxation claims a greater share. Most working, middle and professional class earners are sure that they are underpaid compared to their value-added and that the tax system is designed to benefit “others”. Many vote for the conservative political party because they accept this as unavoidable, see disincentives and unintended consequences from attempts to change this, or aspire to become one of the winners. Economists and psychologists report that individuals are much more motivated by economic losses, taxes, risks or takeaways than gains. Hence, any kind of straightforward income or wealth redistribution system is difficult to achieve or maintain. The incentives to pull towards one end or the other are very strong. The philosopher John Rawls’ argument that everyone can, should, will agree to a set of reasonable policies pointing towards limiting income and wealth inequality has been applauded by the left, criticized by the right and ignored by most everyone. We need to find a different framework aside from the “tug of war”.
A dynamic capitalist economic system will include Schumpeterian “creative destruction”. There is enough new wealth to be made and captured that competitors will disrupt and compete with existing leaders in all markets. Firms will grow and die. New firms will be founded. Some will succeed. The real and financial capital within some firms at some times will be destroyed. For some firms this will be part of the portfolio of growing, stable and dying components. For some firms, this will be death. Capitalists will focus on the core goals of value creation, value capture and value preservation. They will do whatever is required to meet these goals. As Milton Friedman argued, at the extreme times they will not look out for the interests of other stakeholders. In good times, perhaps, a little. Based on social pressures, in good times, perhaps, a little. We need to clearly separate “what is” from “what should be”.
Financial investors do not have geographical responsibilities. They have financial responsibilities to owners and lenders. They have secondary interests in maintaining positive relations with suppliers, customers, key employees, key executives and regulators. Large organizations will close low performing assets as required, be they small stores or 3,000 employee factories. New and existing businesses locate plants, offices and distribution centers based on expected costs and benefits, risks and rewards. They are also guided by the convenience and views of their senior executives who generally prefer to live in cosmopolitan surroundings. Firms will decentralize and decentralize to meet various needs. For most firms, local economic incentives are a very minor factor.
Employees, suppliers, governments and charities are fundamentally local. They live real lives with a small number of interactions. They stay in place and appreciate the familiarity of their home, church, school and community. They might move when they finish college or before they have children in school or to meet an extreme need. The move from the east coast to the Midwest to the west took centuries. The move from the farms to the cities has continued for more than a century. The consolidation of the population into less than 100 metro areas has accelerated in the last 75 years. The move from the Midwest, northeast and Middle-Atlantic states to the sunbelt has continued for 75 years. Individuals move based on circumstances and incentives. A fair society provides support for individuals who do not wish to move because economic situations have changed.
Individuals who honestly review the growth of incomes, wealth and standards of living in the US for the last 75 years must celebrate the amazing 6-fold increase in real per capita Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Labor productivity and overall productivity have improved similarly. Median incomes rose with GDP and productivity until 1975, stalled for 25 years and have since slowly resumed their climb. Quality of life, including health, economic choices, economic security, leisure, safety, product quality, entertainment, and product choices has continued to improve, even when income growth lagged behind output growth. The US economic system produces great wealth and benefits. There is an inherent tendency for the owners of financial wealth to capture an increasing share. We need to find a balanced solution, not undermine the economic system through misguided taxation or regulation.
The US is an outlier in the developed world in not managing health care as a public good. Liberals see health care as a human right. A majority of Americans disagree. We will not soon adopt “socialized health care”. We can work together to adopt policies that reduce the total cost of health care, and which prevent health care costs from bankrupting our fellow citizens.
We live in a society that prefers to support communities locally and not rely upon government support. We can fine-tune our laws to encourage local support.
In our modern world we have to ensure that all individuals are financially prepared for 30 years of retirement. Early and constant savings. Wise investments. Good advisors. For everyone.
Lifetime employment is gone. Fixed benefits pensions are gone. We live 20 years longer. We need a more robust unemployment insurance system. Individuals may secure a position that pays 25% – 33% – 50% more than their “second best” alternatives. When individuals lose their jobs, we need to buffer their losses and nudge them towards their “next best” options in a timely manner.
In the modern world, consumers face sophisticated marketers and professional services firms. They can benefit from centralized support.
It looks like our economic system is going to require one-thirds college educated and two-thirds less than college degreed adults. Economically and socially, we need to support all individuals to serve in their roles and for all of us to support the various roles. Think “essential workers” during the pandemic.
The corporate world reduces costs and improves valued results by 1-2% year after year after year. We need to set the same expectations for local, state and federal governments.
I have separately proposed a set of constitutional amendments that limit taxation of the wealthy, allowing them to support steps like those above without fear of being fleeced.
Our society hasn’t found a clear organizing principle to guide it between the claims of the people and its leaders. We tend to lean towards the individual, liberty and freedom. This has led to a large number of modest initiatives. We have an opportunity to help our community embrace and support the political steps required to achieve our goals.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/people/amy-goldstein/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Ryan
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barack_Obama
Bernie Staller – National FFA leader (my supervisor from 2000-2004) Janesville leader.
https://www.agrimarketing.com/show_story.php?id=25007
https://wisconsinagconnection.com/news/staller-inducted-into-alpha-gamma-rho-hall-of-fame
https://www.agrimarketing.com/show_story.php?id=25005
https://www.newswise.com/articles/bernie-staller-to-retire-from-the-national-ffa-organization

https://case.edu/ech/articles/d/diamond-shamrock-corp
https://cumulis.epa.gov/supercpad/cursites/csitinfo.cfm?id=0504696
On a personal note, I grew up in Fairport Harbor, Ohio, a small village of 3-4,000 people. The Diamond Alkali chemical plant once employed 5,000 people. It shut down in 1976. My dad was a pipefitter and union leader. My uncle Joe was also an employee and a union and political leader. The negative community impact was very large. The negative impacts described by Amy Goldstein in Janesville were exactly the same in Painesville 40 years earlier.

https://www.damonfarber.com/projects/flux
Austin and Tamara are a married mid-thirties couple with two preschoolers living in a suburban starter home. They met at a tree-planting volunteer day at a park near the luxury apartment district where they both lived after finishing college. Austin is a systems analyst for a medium-sized firm that owns and operates health care and retirement communities. His parents and a brother live within an hour. He was raised as a Baptist but has been mostly a casual church goer as an adult. He considers himself politically independent but has voted in some Republican Party primaries. Tamara moved to the US at age 5 and identifies as Hispanic. She manages 3 franchises of a hair-cutting business. She majored in “American Studies” in college with an emphasis on American religions, was raised Catholic but has been affiliated with 2 different mainline churches as an adult. She has mostly voted for Democrats but also considers herself a political independent. She has no nearby family members. Tamara has been visiting churches in the area for a year, without Austin, and is ready to share her findings.
Austin: Wow, I didn’t see you choosing them. Aren’t they one of those very conservative Protestant churches?
Tamara: The church has a serious side, but it’s generally considered to be one of the more liberal, tolerant, flexible mainline denominations. I think it will work for me.
A: What’s the odd name all about?
T: A presbyter is a spiritual elder. Like many early Protestant denominations, they wanted to break away from the hierarchical Catholic model and manage congregations mostly at the local level. Some churches label themselves as “Reformed” churches or even “Reforming” churches to highlight their role in the Protestant Reformation instigated by Martin Luther and their engagement with modernity, rather than their governance structure.
A: Aren’t they the ones who believe in predestination of the “elect” and got caught up trying to prove that they’re saved?
T: The founder John Calvin’s theology and the early life of the church highlighted this and distinguished them from Lutherans and other Protestants. Keep in mind that “salvation” was the overwhelmingly the main religious focus around 1500. That’s why the Catholic indulgences were such a good source of revenue and at the core of Luther’s criticisms. The Italian Renaissance had started to open the door for modern days and thoughts, but the culture was still mostly Middle Ages, dark ages, medieval. Without science or medicine, with plagues and short lives, common deaths during childbirth, periodic invasions and landowners with arbitrary power, the people were very focused on heaven because the threat of death was a constant companion. Calvin agreed with Luther that people are saved by God’s gift of grace through faith, not through priests, the Catholic Church or good works. Calvin’s logic led to the idea that God has pre-ordained the “saved” versus the others. I didn’t see this as an important part of the modern church in their creeds, confessions or sermons, although Calvin’s seriousness about life and faith continues to be seen.
A: I loosely associate this church with bankers, Puritans and Masons. Any truth in these images?
T: The Presbyterian Church was an early and influential church in the US, so its members have been civic, business and political leaders for centuries. I think they’ve had a half-dozen presidents, probably second to the Episcopalians who have a similar history. They’re definitely part of the so-called “mainline” churches that were highly influential throughout the 21st century. They’re not tied to the Puritans or the Masons as far as I’m aware. They remain mostly a white-collar, professional class church in many places.
A: How serious is this church? I was just hoping to find a nice place for our children to learn about the Bible, a social community and an inspirational sermon from time to time.
T: The two Presbyterian churches I visited did have a warm social vibe and a lot of space and volunteers devoted to childcare and youth education. The church radiates seriousness in many ways. The worship spaces and buildings were spare, clean, almost secular. The worship bulletins were pretty structured and part of a calendar of worship. Sermon topics ranged widely, but these places were more focused on “the word”, on logic and rationality than on feelings or mystical spirits. The creeds were highlighted on-line and used in worship. Joining the church requires a public pledge of commitment to the core beliefs. The greeters emphasized that the church works hard to engage new members in the life of the church and expects them to be active members.
I could tell that theology and consistency matters to these groups. One said that we do everything “decently and in order”. Jesus in the New Testament was at the heart of each sermon. The ministers and congregation seemed to be serious about their moral lives and those of their kids. They were hungry for understanding passages from the Bible, thinking about purposes and connecting with God. They believe in free will, responsibility and an objective real and moral universe. Members seemed to be serious about church attendance, prayer, education and behavior. Salvation was not the primary focus, but it was part of the structure of messages.
So … yes, I’d say that they are pretty serious about religion. Not overly so, self-absorbed, proud, self-righteous or imposing on others, but religious belief and practice clearly matter.
A: Your description helps to explain my preconceptions. I’m a structured guy. I appreciate order. But you can go too far. Are there two sides to this coin? Some positivity to balance the “dead serious” core? A sense of humor, lightness, balance or tolerance even?
T: I’m sorry. I’m answering you too literally, without scope or balance. This is an interesting question. I didn’t find negativity anywhere! Focus, attention, clear thinking, concern and connectedness, yes. But negativity, per se, was absent. Well, they do believe in “original sin” and that Jesus died to remove the burden of sin from man. They know that people are morally imperfect and need help to live moral lives. They believe in some kind of heaven and hell. I guess you might call this “negative”, but all of the Christian denominations generally hold these views.
I think the positivity comes from the “good news” gospel of Jesus saving men and instructing them. Jesus is seen as directly accessible to individuals in prayer. They focus on God creating each individual in his image and giving them a name, to be known. They appreciate the opportunity to join together at church, in communion, in small groups and in service projects. I observed spiritual calm and centeredness at times. They spoke about the gift of “grace” often and appreciated that gift. I witnessed a general confidence and hope about the future in these churches.
A: What are their core beliefs? Do they make logical sense? Are they much different from the Baptists and Methodists? Will I need to take a theology course to join the church?
T: Their main beliefs seem to greatly overlap with the other mainline churches. You won’t need to go to school or pass a test. They do agree that Jesus is fully man and fully God. They describe God, Jesus and the holy spirit as 3 dimensions, faces or “persons” of the single true God. As in the Catholic church they “proclaim the mystery of faith”. People are expected to understand the surface description of the creeds and through time try to better understand the mysteries of “3 in 1” or “both/and”.
A: Which “person” is most important? Jesus seems to dominate in most churches today.
T: Tough question. I agree that some of the more conservative churches really elevate Jesus to be the 90% factor. I didn’t see that in the Presbyterian churches. Jesus was in the sermons, creeds, songs and prayers as the essential connection between God and man. Yet, the Old Testament has its fair share of worship time. Salvation by grace through faith points to God. ”The word” in the whole Bible points to God. The holy spirit gets a smaller billing. It is emphasized in prayer, communion, meditation, moral decisions, accepting grace and many songs.
A: How does this church see the 3 “persons”? What should I expect? Will I be surprised or concerned?
T: The father is seen as an “awesome God”, beyond human comprehension. ”Be still and know that I am God”. The demanding God of the Old Testament is viewed as the same loving God in the New Testament. God is the eternal, infinite, all powerful God, the source and purpose of all, the ultimate. Yet this is a personal God who created Man and individuals, who cares and listens to prayer. He is accessible in prayer and worship, through Jesus and the holy spirit. He is a creator and a mystery. He speaks to man directly, through scripture, prophets, Jesus, the soul, nature and reason. I didn’t hear an appeal to logic, science or history to support God, only acceptance of his obvious presence.
Jesus is seen as a prophet, teacher and savior. Co-equal with God. A more human scale opportunity to intimately connect with God. He is an example of a perfect life and an inspiration to imitate his life. As a largely verbal church, the idea of God’s communications or “the word became flesh” is important. Mystery remains. Guilt for human deeds is summoned by the crucifixion.
The holy spirit is welcomed as a gift. A personal channel for understanding, self-awareness and good moral decisions. An inspiration to do more and better. Presbyterians believe in the spirit having a real impact in this world, just like God, miracles, saints and angels. They believe that the spirit can deliver gifts of teaching, prophecy and tongues, but this is not emphasized. The Presbyterian spirit is more “calm and rational”, rather than fiery, dynamic and emotional, but it matters deeply to active members who seek its guidance and support.
Not many Presbyterians seem to pursue mystical experiences. They don’t devote all of their effort to an eternal life in heaven. They appreciate their lives on earth. I don’t think that other mainline Protestants would find significant differences from the Presbyterian Church. There are some differences of style and emphasis.
A: That helps. I’m seeing more balance than I expected. How does this church approach the three dimensions of religious life: thinking, feeling and doing? Thinking appears to have the upper hand.
T: This is a “rational” religion, born after the peak years of Thomas Aquinas and Scholasticism. Luther and Calvin were both biblical scholars and wrote great essays and biblical commentaries. They elevated God’s word in the Bible above other sources of revelation. The Presbyterian creeds and confessions guide pastors and members.
The church encourages the use of feelings to motivate individuals. The faith summary of “to love God and to love neighbor” is widely shared. An intimate relationship with the 3-person God is sought. Prayer, scripture, music and worship services include the emotions. God and Jesus ask individuals to bring their sorrows and concerns in prayer to be relieved.
The church is an active church, reflecting Max Weber’s notion of a “Protestant work ethic”. Members are busy with education, small groups, service projects and committees. This work is considered the proper response to God’s grace. Members are expected to fund and serve mission work locally and globally. The three categories are nicely balanced.
A: What will I experience in worship? What’s the style or feeling of the church space? What sacraments are practiced? Is God present? Does it feel sacred?
T: Presbyterians practice holy communion and baptism. God is present in both sacraments and in the church amongst the “community of believers”. Communion and baptism might seem plainer than in other faith traditions. Presbyterians do not believe in transubstantiation. Some sacramental services today are elevated in importance with additional music, time, words, prayers and decorations.
Presbyterians and Lutherans both reacted against the complexity, multiple senses and ornate styles of the medieval Catholic churches. Worship is focused on the individuals’ connection with the spoken word of God. Church architecture is often simple and plain, tan and Scandinavian. It emphasizes the priesthood of all believers. Some Presbyterian churches do have stained glass windows, soaring architecture and added visual features, but the overall look is normally clean.
Likewise, the worship service emphasizes “the word”, church music and personal greetings. Congregational dress is mostly semi-formal today. Ministers and choirs often wear robes. The church employs various forms of audio-visual equipment and broadcasts the service. Most churches incorporate “contemporary” music into some services. The church retains its “low church” simplicity, but some Presbyterian congregations have increased their use of “high church” elements to spice things up, increase engagement and emotion and help people pull closer to God. Presbyterian churches have a communion table without major separation from the congregation. The sanctuary has a sacred presence, though it cannot compete with a cathedral for most visitors!
A: How strict are the church’s rules? How are they enforced? Who enforces them? What are the consequences of not complying? How does the preaching emphasize the church’s expectations?
T: More great questions. The church is serious about moral behavior. It has a relatively strong belief in clear “right and wrong” actions. It believes in original sin, free will, personal responsibility, and the necessity of believing and accepting grace to gain salvation. The consequence of sin and non-salvation is eternal separation from God.
Presbyterians believe that the Old Testament is the inspired word of God, so they believe that the 10 Commandments should be obeyed. They believe that Jesus’s injunction to “love God and love neighbor” is a continuation of God’s will for men. They don’t read the Bible literally, so there is room for interpretation of its many instructions. Presbyterians acknowledge that different denominations have different beliefs. They believe that the individual is ultimately responsible for interpreting the “word of God” and responding appropriately. They understand human weakness. Members tend to consider the situation when making a moral judgment rather than attempting to strictly follow all rules. In practice, this makes the Presbyterians a relatively liberal or tolerant church with respect to moral conduct despite its serious, thinking, “right and wrong” foundations.
On the other hand, Presbyterian ministers, leaders and members tend to have high expectations for moral behavior. ”Love God and neighbor” has no limits. ”Accept grace” and “have faith” mean completely, without limits, always. Presbyterians expect themselves to act morally in thought, word and deed in all situations. In response to God’s saving grace, they expect members to donate and serve, and then do some more as requirements become apparent. Members are expected to engage and participate in the congregation and community to identify those needs. The church sometimes takes positions and encourages members to address social justice issues.
Ministers have less formal and informal powers than those in other denominations. The “priesthood of all believers” philosophy levels the status of ministers. Ministers do have formal powers to act on behalf of the congregation and informal powers based on their roles, messages, knowledge, wisdom and relationships. Ministers do provide counseling to members. The church does not hear confessions or assign penance. The church employs professional counselors and uses small groups to provide advice and feedback on personal and moral issues.
The Presbyterian Church today tends to take a constructive approach to moral conduct: instructing, modeling, encouraging, leading, sharing, suggesting, advising and counseling. Removal from membership is rare. ”Fire and brimstone” or fear-based sermons are rare. Individuals are not “called out”, asked to “repent” or “be saved” in services. Individuals are encouraged to privately consider their conduct, feel proper guilt as appropriate and take steps to offset any impacts and improve their behavior.
A: What are the people like at this church? Are they welcoming? Do they get along with each other? Do they work well together? Is there high drama and politics? Who actually runs the church?
T: Presbyterians believe that the church is a holy body established and led by Jesus. Luther and Calvin both stressed the potential of all individuals to directly relate to God. Hence, it is assumed that they are capable of relating to each other, especially as members of the universal church. The “fellowship of believers” is expected.
The church teaches that all humans are equal, created by God in his image, named and known. There are no strangers or “others”. Members have specific instructions to care for strangers, the poor, weak and widowed. Presbyterians are human and imperfect but embrace this responsibility. I was warmly and personally welcomed each time I attended.
The church welcomes new and baptized members with a congregational pledge to support them. Members are expected to serve the church and other members. They are responsible for educating children, encouraging moral behavior, teaching and volunteering on mission projects. They have many opportunities to use their various spiritual gifts.
This “equality” idea also results in ministers having key functional and spiritual roles but lessened political and administrative roles. The congregation is managed by the session of elders. Even functional areas and worship are guided by committees that include elders. This approach requires a large share of the congregation to participate in meaningful committee and service roles.
Members also build relations through their many activities. The church is a busy place. Church service, education, small groups, visitation, social gatherings and service activities abound.
A: We two have somewhat different political views. Which way does this church lean? Does it embrace different views, doubts or skepticism? I’m predicting the conservative side: historical roots, successful members, community, responsibility, thinking, seriousness, objective values, classic beliefs, simple style, and orderliness. On the liberal side: the individual really matters, tolerance, weak group discipline, feeling, spirit, abstract “3 in 1” God rather than Jesus, equality in governance, not hierarchical, many committees, contemporary music and use of modern technology.
T: Presbyterian churches come in relatively liberal and relatively conservative flavors. Most are considered relatively liberal, despite their “conservative” underlying theology. American churches began to divide in the 1920’s into those who read the Bible literally and rejected several modern science conclusions such as evolution. Today they’re called fundamentalist Christian churches or evangelical Christian churches. They grew slowly until the 1970s but accelerated to have more members than the mainline churches by 1985.
The mainline churches’ seminaries and leaders had adapted to the many changes in the second half of the 19th century, accepting the new science as valid or possible, reading parts of the Bible as stories or allegories, emphasizing the moral dimension of the gospel and addressing social issues such as poverty. Mainline churches kept this “liberal” approach and maintained 30% of Americans as members through 1980. Membership rapidly declined to just 12% by 2010 but has since stabilized.
In American cultural terms with 25% of the population identifying as atheists, agnostics or “nothing in particular”, the mainline churches are now closer to the center. The Presbyterian Church USA has 50% Republican, 42% Democratic and 8% independent voters.
The national Presbyterian Church has adopted the “liberal” position on many social issues: slavery, poverty, race, women’s rights, gay rights, abortion choice and the environment. The church is active in promoting ecumenical ties with other Christian and non-Christian churches. These positions have caused some conservatives to leave and other conservatives to not join a church which otherwise might have met their spiritual needs. Presbyterian churches welcome doubters and skeptics to attend and participate but expects them to develop beliefs consistent with the membership standards before officially joining the church.
Presbyterian churches practice communication skills, civility and tolerance to hold congregations together in a more partisan age. Congregations select and “call” their pastors with some role for regional church offices. Hence, congregations are able to choose pastors whose personal views overlap with theirs.
The Presbyterian Church has found a way to have solid religious beliefs that allow some variation in religious beliefs by members and broad variation in political beliefs. For a family like ours, I think it can work very well.

What does American retail and business strategy have to offer the declining Mainline religions? First, an undifferentiated strategy of serving “everyone” is doomed to failure. Kmart, Sears and JC Penney could not create a differentiated strategy. They died.
Marshall Field had a better approach.
Second, the mavens of corporate strategy offer a simple framework for addressing the “needs” today. Michael Porter is the king of corporate strategy.
Treacy and Wiersema consolidated this into just 3 dimensions.
A successful, disciplined organization must choose. It cannot be “all things to all people”. It must choose one of 3 general strategies. It must choose a subset of customers, not everyone.
Businesses are very highly motivated to find the most effective strategies and tactics.
One effective strategy is “operational excellence”. Be so cost effective at delivering your goods and services that you can charge the lowest price and still make a great profit. For a church, this would mean:
Low contributions, donations, tithing and specific opportunity funding.
Low price of entry. No creed. No adult baptism.
Low ongoing commitments. Low church attendance. Low volunteering. Low service. Low small group engagement. Limited liability.
Low constraints. No confession. No evaluation. Low prayer.
This is a critical dimension. Do you want to retain nominal members? There is a possibility that they will become engaged.
Do you wish to offer “cheap grace”? Lower the bar to entry, but higher the bar to membership?
Product innovation is a second winning strategy. Define a religious perspective that is different from those of others.
More liberal versus conservative.
Emphasize thinking, feeling or doing.
Emphasize modern prophets and interpreters or older ones.
Internal belief versus social response and participation.
Earthly life or eternal salvation.
Mysticism.
Community.
Love.
Deliver specific services: children, adults, poor, immigrant, counseling, small groups. adult education.
Full service.
Large or small. Known or invisible.
Third, an organization can emphasize “customer intimacy”. We know what you want and will deliver it in personalized portions.
For a church, this can mean:
Smaller congregations.
More “congregational care” staffing and volunteers.
Greater emphasis on small groups and frequent volunteer participation.
More “intrusive” style of reaching out.
Different services for different life cycle ages.
Treacy and Wiersema really emphasized the second and third strategic dimension. They argued that you should “choose” your primary customer base. Like the failed retailers, a central, “all of the above” strategy is doomed to failure. Choose a customer group and organize your products and services to exactly, precisely meet their needs. Customer groups could be defined and served:
by age, life cycle.
geography.
class, income, profession.
active or passive religious participants.
historical religious background or skeptics, secularists.
long-timers or newcomers.
religious views. close fit or searching. liberal or conservative.
activity or engagement level.
Is this segment growing or shrinking?
Does it greatly need church services or is it apparently self-sufficient?
Do the existing assets and programs of the church meet the group’s needs?
In the corporate world, the trick was to identify and serve the groups that could buy the most and deliver the greatest profit for existing and adjacent products and services. In the religious world, the key is to realistically determine what an existing congregation and denomination can offer to a world that expects its needs to be met.
https://religionunplugged.com/news/2023/6/12/just-how-bad-is-denominational-decline
https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-unlikely-rebound-of-mainline-protestantism